News

President Cyril Ramaphosa has said he did not approve the disbandment of the Political Killings Task Team (PKTT) and was dissatisfied that he had not been consulted by suspended Police Minister Senzo Mchunu beforehand.

Ramaphosa said this in written responses to Parliament’s ad hoc committee investigating allegations made by KZN provincial police commissioner Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi. He submitted the responses on Tuesday.

He said the decision was taken by Mchunu and should have fallen under the authority of the national police commissioner General Fannie Masemola.

Ramaphosa said he was informed of the move on or about February 1, 2025 by Masemola, who indicated that Mchunu had instructed that the unit be disbanded.

Masemola also made it clear that he disagreed with the decision, Ramaphosa said.

“He further assured me that, notwithstanding this instruction, a disbandment could not be effected immediately, as this would negatively affect pending investigations,” Ramaphosa said.

The president said he subsequently requested a meeting with Mchunu, which took place on or about February 13, 2025.

“At this meeting, the minister informed me that he had given the instruction to disband the task team and his reasons for doing so,” Ramaphosa said.

“I conveyed my dissatisfaction at not having been consulted prior to this decision being taken. I further indicated that, in my view, this was a decision for the national commissioner to make.”

Ramaphosa said he made it clear that he expected to be kept informed of any further decisions affecting investigations into political killings.

“It was my understanding that the steps to be taken fell within the purview of the national commissioner’s authority,” he said.

He added that he understood from Masemola that the PKTT would not be disbanded and that its work would continue despite the directive.

Ramaphosa’s responses follow calls from members of the parliamentary committee for him to appear in person and be held fully accountable. 

The presidency had missed an initial deadline to submit answers and requested an extension.

The committee was established after Mkhwanazi made explosive allegations in July last year, raising concerns about political interference and corruption within South Africa’s criminal justice system.

Mchunu previously told the committee that he had not consulted Ramaphosa before issuing the disbandment directive. 

He said his decision was based on a police research study recommending the consolidation of violent crime investigations into the murder and robbery unit.

Meanwhile, Mkhwanazi has intensified his allegations, claiming Mchunu personally authored the December 2024 letter disbanding the PKTT but had been “captured” into doing so.

“I believe the minister was captured to write that letter,” Mkhwanazi told the committee on Wednesday

“He does not accept that - he owns it.”

Mkhwanazi said forensic analysis showed the letter was drafted on Mchunu’s iPad and later deleted, but investigators were able to recover the data.

“You delete, we retrieve,” he said. “We know he is the author.”

He outlined how the document was circulated, saying it was sent from the minister to his chief of staff, then to a personal assistant, where an electronic signature was added before distribution.

Mkhwanazi also alleged that the document was sent to both official and private email addresses on the same day.

He argued that the disbandment had serious operational consequences, including leaving the police service without a head of crime intelligence for nearly a year and disrupting ongoing investigations.

He said arrests linked to the Crime Intelligence division, including that of Lieutenant General Dumisani Khumalo, brought key operations to a halt. 

Officers involved were unable to work, access resources or receive payment due to funding constraints tied to intelligence structures.

He added that millions of rand from the secret services account were spent during this period and are now under audit scrutiny.

Appearing before the committee on Tuesday, Masemola said Mchunu had ample opportunity to brief him on the decision but failed to do so.

“We had not yet agreed. I said ‘gradual’; the minister said ‘immediate’,” he said.

Masemola confirmed earlier testimony that the disbandment directive was sent via WhatsApp while senior officials were engaged in festive season safety operations.

He maintained that he had not been consulted before or after the directive was issued.

“It remains my evidence that the minister never consulted me about the directive, either before or after issuing it,” he said.

Masemola added that the stated aim of the disbandment was to halt investigations into murder accused businessman Vusimuzi ‘Cat’ Matlala, who is alleged to be linked to the so-called “Big Five” cartel.

He said he initially questioned the authenticity of the disbandment letter and, once it was verified, instructed departments to compile reports in response

*This article was first published by IOL News

ANC Secretary-General Fikile Mbalula has issued a rallying cry for South Africans to join forces with the party and its alliance partners in an upcoming "People’s March".

The march, set for Saturday, March 21, coincides with the 66th anniversary of the Sharpeville massacre, with Mbalula saying it will also serve as a pivotal moment to reaffirm commitment to the nation's Constitution, which he claimed is under siege from "peddlers of disinformation."

"We have seen people peddling disinformation in the US, lying that there is a genocide. President Cyril Ramaphosa went to the White House to engage and dispel these lies. Because of these lies, we have seen an unprecedented amount of attention where our foreign policy is being attacked, BEE is being attacked, and threats of bad-faith investigations by the Trump administration are rampant. This is why this march is important," he stated.

In a media briefing alongside party spokesperson Mahlengi Bhengu-Motsiri and first deputy secretary general Nomvula Mokonyane, Mbalula further emphasised that the march is not an ANC initiative, but a collective national movement aimed at defending the country's democracy.

The march is intended to commence at Mary Fitzgerald Square in Newtown, Johannesburg, making its way towards Mandela Bridge before concluding at the Constitutional Hill.

Mbalula called for a collective show of support, saying it is time for South Africa to unite behind one common vision and purpose.

"This march is also an affirmation of unity. It is also a recognition that the future of South Africa cannot be built by one group alone but requires the collective effort of all who live in it. It is a call for unity across race, class, gender, and geography, and a reminder that our diversity is a source of strength," he said.

Mbalula addressed the recent comments made by the US Ambassador to South Africa, Brent Bozell III, whowas criticised for making "anti-diplomatic" remarks regarding the "Kill the Boer" chant.

Over a week ago, while participating in a podcast, Bozell labelled the chant as hate speech, contradicting a 2022 ruling by the Equality Court, which deemed the chant neither hate speech nor incitement. "I do not care what the courts say, but that chant is hate speech," Bozell had said.

Mbalula slammed Bozell, stating, "Bozell came here and spoke out of turn even before he presented his credentials. He fought against this democracy by protesting against OR Tambo. He disrespected and undermined our courts. We will not allow disrespect, and that’s why our government decided to demarche him because of his undiplomatic utterances."

*This article was first published by IOL News

S&P Global Ratings has forecast that African sovereigns’ gross commercial borrowing will reach $155 billion (R2.6 trillion) in 2026, a figure “in line with longer-run annual volumes” but marked by stark divergences across the continent.

While Egypt, Morocco, and South Africa will continue to dominate regional issuance, the report highlights South Africa’s unique position: “South Africa’s large domestic financial system, actively traded currency, and well-developed yield curve mean it benefits from considerably more fiscal flexibility than nearly all other nations in our survey.”

In a notable shift, S&P forecast: “South Africa’s 2026 borrowing will decrease the most among African sovereigns, largely due to its narrowing fiscal deficit and higher concessional funding.”

The country’s gross commercial long-term borrowing is projected at $17.1bn for 2026, representing 11% of the continent’s total commercial borrowing. Its total commercial debt stock is expected to reach $322.9bn by year-end, accounting for 27.6% of Africa’s total.

Despite the anticipated decline in new borrowing, South Africa’s debt profile remains substantial. “Its maturity profile remains relatively steady at just under $6 billion,” the report noted.

Crucially, South Africa’s debt structure reflects its advanced financial market: Only 10.2% of its total debt is denominated in foreign currency, compared to a continental average where foreign currency debt accounts for 64% of total debt among smaller banking systems, according to the report. The rollover ratio — debt requiring refinancing as a percentage of GDP — stands at a manageable 8.9%, well below Egypt’s 31.7%.

While South Africa’s borrowing recedes, Egypt emerges as the continent’s most active borrower. “Egypt stands out as the sovereign forecast to increase borrowing the most in 2026,” S&P stated, projecting borrowing of about $50bn.

This surge is “primarily due to a wider projected fiscal deficit”, compounded by the aftermath of the 2024 exchange rate liberalisation. “High inflation pushed up domestic borrowing costs, leading to one of the highest interest-to-revenue ratios globally, estimated at about 70% in 2026.”

Egypt’s financing strength, however, remains its domestic financial depth: “One of Egypt’s key financing strengths, even compared with emerging markets outside of sub-Saharan and North Africa, is its large financial sector compared to gross domestic product (GDP). The vast majority of Egyptian banks’ claims are on the central government, via its large holdings of domestic sovereign debt.”

Senegal presents a contrasting challenge. “Senegal is contending with more limited access to concessional financing amid rising borrowing costs during 2026 and after a series of revisions to public finances revealed additional previously unreported debt. We expect Senegal will rely heavily on shorter-term domestic commercial debt, requiring frequent refinancing.”

S&P said it anticipated Senegal would borrow about $10bn in 2026, with roughly two-thirds through commercial markets and 46% from domestic issuances.

The report underscored: “Commodity price cycles significantly shape African sovereign borrowing dynamics, reinforcing the region’s procyclical credit profile.” For exporters such as Angola, Nigeria, Zambia, and Ghana: “Higher oil, copper, or gold prices strengthen trade balances, bolster fiscal revenues, and support FX reserves. They also typically lead to spread compression and improved market access.”

Yet, even commodity windfalls face headwinds. “We expect Nigeria and Angola to borrow more in 2026 than last year, as we expect additional pre-election spending will limit supportive oil sector dynamics and revenue gains associated with their ongoing tax reforms and revenue collection measures.”

Ghana, meanwhile, “will also borrow more this year. This is because it restarts capital-related spending following austerity in 2025 in response to the major fiscal slippages in 2024”.

Encouragingly, debt restructuring progress is unlocking market access. “Ghana and Zambia also stand to benefit from renewed investor interest as they near the end of prolonged debt restructurings.”

In Zambia: “The Bank of Zambia increased the limit on local currency bonds that nonresidents can purchase in the primary market to 23% from 5%, and high yields have attracted significant inflows in recent months.”

For Ghana, however, caution persists: “While Ghana’s macroeconomic environment is improving, the government has yet to restart issuing bonds with maturities over one year. Additionally, yields on short-term treasury bills have fallen sharply. We anticipate that the government will slowly begin issuing longer-dated bonds, thus lengthening its maturity profile.”

Favourable external conditions provide a tailwind. “African sovereign borrowers also stand to benefit from a weaker US dollar, because it eases imported inflation and reduces the local currency burden of external debt.

“Improving global liquidity, following tight global monetary policy in response to global inflation between April 2021 and April 2023, increases investor appetite and non-resident inflows into local currency bond markets, notably in Egypt, Nigeria, Uganda, and Zambia. This contributes to foreign exchange (FX) stabilisation and lower local currency yields.”

S&P said: “Easier global monetary policy conditions should also facilitate access to foreign currency financing. Spread compression enhances market access, as investors demand a smaller risk premium. This enables refinancing and liability management, which we expect will increase. Market access typically improves before price relief.”

However, geopolitical risks loom. “The Middle East war and its effects on supply chains and hydrocarbon prices pose risks to Africa’s borrowing plans for 2026.” While S&P expects “the war and its implications for hydrocarbon shipping lanes, particularly the Strait of Hormuz, will begin moderating over the next few weeks”, a prolonged conflict “could impair fiscal positions, inflation profiles, and financing plans across Africa”.

The vulnerability is acute: “Since most African countries rely heavily on refined fuel imports, rising prices could put additional strain on governments. This is particularly the case if central banks begin raising their policy rates to manage inflation. Additionally, budget deficits could widen in Angola and Egypt, which provide sizeable fuel subsidies.”

A persistent challenge across the continent is shallow domestic capital markets. “Low savings rates and shallow domestic financing capacity limit local currency borrowing in many sovereigns,” S&P observed. “Countries with smaller banking systems account for half of rated African sovereigns. These countries often have a greater proportion of foreign currency debt (64% of total African debt).”

The cost implications are severe. “Without cheaper bilateral and multilateral funding sources, most countries in this group — including Nigeria, Angola, Uganda, Zambia, and Ghana — display interest-to-revenue ratios at least double the global average of about 9%,” according to S&P.

Macroeconomic instability exacerbates the problem: “Many countries face expensive domestic financing, largely driven by macroeconomic factors, such as currency depreciation-led inflation, resulting in tight monetary policy, limited domestic demand, and low fiscal revenue bases.”

Conversely, access to concessional funding provides relief. “Countries with access to concessional or multilateral funding — such as Rwanda, Madagascar, Ethiopia, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Cameroon, and Cape Verde — can maintain lower borrowing costs, highlighting the heterogeneity of financing conditions across structurally similar systems.”

At the aggregate level, S&P’s outlook is measured. “We forecast that African sovereigns’ gross commercial borrowing will reach $155bn in 2026, which is in line with longer-run annual volumes.” Total outstanding commercial debt is projected to exceed $1.2trln, or 45% of GDP, by end-2026.

Yet the median tells a different story. “At $1.5bn, African sovereigns’ median commercial issuance volume will remain small by global standards, generally mirroring their economic size, limited market access, and structural factors.”

The rating distribution reflects this constraint: African sovereign commercial debt in 2026 is concentrated in the “BB” (32%) and “B” (50%) categories, with “BBB” at 10%, “CCC” at 7%, and selective default at 4%.

Ultimately, the report emphasises that benefits from improved global conditions “will remain unevenly felt”. As S&P concludes: “Sovereigns with sound monetary frameworks, fiscal consolidation momentum (demonstrated by improved revenue collection), and adequate reserve buffers are better positioned to attract durable inflows. The reversibility of portfolio flows and reliance on non-resident borrowing pose risks, increasing exposure to dollar volatility.”

For South Africa, the combination of institutional depth, currency liquidity, and a narrowing fiscal deficit positions it uniquely on the continent. But as the broader African debt landscape evolves in 2026, the interplay of global liquidity, commodity cycles, and domestic reform will determine which sovereigns navigate the $155bn borrowing wave with resilience — and which are swept away by its currents.

*This article was first published by IOL News

Shock and outrage have erupted after the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC) revealed that the gravesite of its founding president, Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe, has been brutally vandalised. 

"PAC condemns in the strongest possible terms the shameful and cowardly act of vandalism committed against the gravesite of the founding President of the PAC, Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe," the party said.

Raising the stakes, the party warned that this was no random act of destruction.

"The PAC views this act not merely as vandalism, but as a deliberate and calculated attempt to tarnish the name, legacy, and enduring contribution of Sobukwe."

The PAC pointed to "insurgence forces" allegedly working to provoke unrest and confusion.

A criminal case has now been opened, with the party demanding urgent accountability, insisting that the attack on what it considers a sacred symbol of resistance cannot go unpunished.

In a rallying cry to its supporters, it made its stance crystal clear: "The PAC remains resolute: the name of Sobukwe will not be silenced, his legacy will not be defaced, and his vision will continue to guide the struggle for land, freedom, and self-determination."

This latest incident did not happen in a vacuum, the party added.

In an exclusive interview with IOL, Sobukwe's family revealed they were already reeling from fierce backlash after the historic renaming of Graaff-Reinet to Robert Sobukwe Town, a move meant to honour the liberation icon, ignited a national firestorm.

"I do appreciate that they at least gave my grandfather's legacy an opportunity to live on and for more people to know about him," Tsepo Sobukwe said.

The timing has raised alarm bells, coming just as marches and public support for the renaming gained momentum, and as debates over identity, heritage, and decolonisation reached a boiling point.

*This article was first published by IOL News

The High Court in Pretoria will hear an application on Wednesday, seeking to set aside the appointment of Andy Mothibi as the National Director of Public Prosecutions (NDPP).

Law firm B Xulu and Partners Incorporated filed the bid to have Mothibi’s appointment declared irregular.

The firm argues that the way President Cyril Ramaphosa carried out Mothibi's appointment to the position was unlawful.

The High Court will hear arguments from the firm and the Presidency on Wednesday.

Last year, Ramaphosa set up an advisory panel to facilitate the selection of an NDPP.

However, after the interviews were concluded, the panel did not recommend any of the candidates.

The president then used his constitutional powers to appoint Mothibi as head of the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), despite not being one of the interviewees.

B Xulu and Partners Incorporated argues that because Mothibi did not go through the panel process, his appointment was unlawful.

However, Section 179 of the Constitution gives the president the authority to appoint the NDPP.

The Constitution also does not require the use of an advisory panel, with the president maintaining that it was established purely to ensure transparency in the process.

*This article was first published by Eye Witness News

Minister of Human Settlements, Thembi Simelane, has confirmed that the government has completed its impact assessment on the recent floods, specifically focusing on the disaster in Limpopo and Mpumalanga earlier this year.

Simelane was responding to a question raised by ANC's MP Baakiseng Mabebo in the National Council of Provinces (NCOP) regarding the impact of recent floods.

Mabebo had asked whether an impact assessment of the recent floods in Limpopo, Mpumalanga, Gauteng, Eastern Cape, and KwaZulu-Natal had already been conducted; if not, why not; and if so, sought clarity on the associated cost implications.

Simelane assured members that despite the assessment being finalised, challenges continue to arise as the situation evolves, especially with the recent heavy rains in Limpopo over the weekend, which led to further infrastructure damage.

Simelane elaborated on the steps taken by the government, noting that the disaster grant system has been allocated to national authorities, and provinces have been granted the flexibility to use between 1% to 3% of the funds for emergency responses.

However, she acknowledged that the unpredictable nature of disasters, such as the floods in January, makes ongoing assessment critical.

In particular, Simelane mentioned that her team is actively looking into areas where provinces are still struggling with the aftermath of the floods, highlighting that the assessment process is ongoing, despite the report being considered "complete."

“We've undertaken assessments in affected areas like Tshakhuma , where families have been living too close to rivers. We are now looking into relocating these households, a measure that is not new but has become even more urgent in light of recent disasters,” said Simelane.

She also pointed out that some of the areas, including those in KwaZulu-Natal and Limpopo, have long been identified as vulnerable, with families at risk of being affected by further flooding.

Simelane stressed the need for the government to take preemptive action, citing the previous tragedies where communities living near rivers, such as the uMlazi River, had been wiped out. “In Umlazi, for example, we cannot afford to have people who are still at risk when we know the dangers,” she said.

"We are actively working to prevent such fatalities and have already started moving families in danger to safer locations."

Simelane explained the government's plans to relocate households from flood-prone areas like Umlazi, using mitigation strategies to avoid future casualties.

The government has already taken steps to address this issue, employing mitigation strategies to move residents to safer locations and ensure that no fatalities occur in the future.

Simelane further acknowledged the role of the National Home Builders Registration Council (NHBRC) in assessing housing infrastructure, both for government-built houses and those constructed by individuals. The council’s involvement is crucial, particularly in provinces like the Eastern Cape, where the majority of homes are built with mud, making them especially vulnerable to flooding.

The Minister also addressed the ongoing challenge of providing temporary accommodation for displaced individuals.

“Our policy has been to provide temporary emergency accommodation, but we are reviewing this approach to avoid wasting resources by repeatedly spending on temporary solutions.

''Our aim is to eliminate the need for repeated payouts to the same beneficiaries, which has caused inefficiencies in the past,” Simelane said. 

A significant part of this review includes reconsidering the use of Temporary Residential Units (TRUs), which are costing the government an average of R90,000 per unit.

Instead of continuing to invest in TRUs, the government plans to shift toward more permanent housing solutions, at a higher upfront cost but offering better long-term benefits.

"A house costs us almost double the amount of a TRU, and we are hoping to use this R90,000 to directly fund permanent housing instead," said Simelane.

She revealed that the government is actively working on innovative building technologies (IBTs), which have the potential to drastically reduce construction times and costs for permanent homes.

These technologies have already been successfully used in various provinces, including the Western Cape, where over 300,000 classrooms have been built using similar materials. In KwaZulu-Natal, the Department of Health is also utilising IBTs for health facilities.

"We've introduced these technologies as part of our response to the recent floods. Companies can build a solid, permanent house within 14 to 28 days, cutting down both time and cost," Simelane noted.

In her response to a follow-up question by Mabebo regarding the financial implications of the flood damage on the housing backlog, Simelane admitted that the extensive destruction of housing infrastructure would add to the already considerable backlog of homes needed in the country.

However, she emphasised that the government is committed to providing temporary shelter for affected families, while also working to ensure that their long-term housing needs are met.

Simelane acknowledged the need for additional funding but highlighted that the government is not expecting extra money to come in from the national treasury.

"We need to stretch the existing funds further, and that is why we are questioning the legitimacy of continuing with policies that allow for repeated spending on temporary solutions," she said.

To support the rebuilding efforts, Simelane revealed that the National Treasury has approved a 2% allocation from the department’s budget, amounting to approximately R270 million, which will be used to contract provinces for the construction of permanent houses using IBTs.

The government is also collaborating with public works to ensure that alternative materials used for these buildings meet necessary standards.

Simelane expressed confidence in the success of these initiatives, noting that while the response to the floods, particularly in Limpopo and Mpumalanga, has involved the use of TRUs, the long-term solution is to phase them out in favor of more efficient and sustainable methods.

“We are hopeful that the pilot projects with IBTs will allow us to deliver housing more quickly and at a lower cost, ultimately helping us to close the gap in housing delivery,” she said.

*This article was first published by IOL News