Boipelo Mere
A 32-year-old Kimberly soldier was trampled to death by a herd of elephants in Limpopo on Sunday.
Xavier Raynard’s remains were discovered near the banks of the Limpopo River, about 300 meters from the Madimbo Operation Base patrol border.
Raynard formed part of the ten Anti-Air Regiment and deployed to Limpopo under Operation CORONA.
Operation CORONA is a national border safeguarding initiative aimed at protecting South Africa’s territorial integrity and combating transnational crimes along the country’s borders.
Members deployed in these operations face harsh terrain, isolation, and exposure to unpredictable natural conditions in the line of duty.
Journal News spoke to his aunt Debbie Damons in Kimberly and she described how Xavier has had various life-threatening encounters during his years of service in the army.
She says he was among the affected soldiers who cheated death when the Lohatlha Military base between Kimberley and Postmasburg was ravaged by fire in October 2023.
She also said he was shot in the leg a few years ago during his deployment to DRC.
She said Raynard was looking forward to returning to his original base in Durban, which was meant to happen on Wednesday 30 July, 3 days later.
Damons says the family is heartbroken and frustrated because they don’t know exactly when the funeral will be.
It is anticipated that an official SANDF funeral will be in Kimberley.
Damons said she raised Raynard after his mother passed on when he was 4 years old.
“I suffered several relapses and was put on drips ever since I heard the news. Even his siblings remain traumatised and broke down after the announcement was made,” said Damon.
Lauren Lienbenberg from Vhembe Biosphere Game Reserve said they are aware of the incident, and described it as a ‘tragic death that no one deserves.’
She said the area where Raynard was found is not far from their game reserve, and that it has a thick bush with a huge elephant population.
“We do meet with the army members regularly because they are also our frontline defence on the border.
“We also constantly warn them not to use their earphones when they go out, for their safety just as it is for them to carry their weapon regularly.
“The elephants get distressed, especially during the dry season, and make the wildlife area challenging to manage.
“However, investigations are still in progress and we will hear what exactly happened, she said.
SANDF spokesperson Prince Tshabalala confirmed the tragic death.
Tshabalala said early indications suggest that the incident may have taken place while Rynard was conducting routine patrols in the area.
“His service weapon was recovered at the scene.
“The matter is currently under investigation by SANDF authorities in cooperation with environmental and wildlife officials to determine the exact circumstances surrounding the incident, said Tshabalala.
By: Matshidiso Selebeleng
Vusimuzi “Cat” Matlala, the flamboyant Pretoria-based businessman known as the city’s “tender king,” has emerged as the central figure in a sprawling procurement scandal that has exposed deep-rooted collusion between criminal syndicates and the state.
Recent revelations about his dealings with government officials have sparked allegations that a powerful underworld cartel has captured parts of the state and key political figures.
Matlala is currently being held at Kgosi Mampuru Maximum Security Prison on serious charges, including attempted murder, conspiracy to commit murder, and money laundering.
Once celebrated for securing multimillion-rand government tenders through his health and security companies, his empire began to unravel in 2024 when his firm, Medicare24, was controversially awarded a R360 million contract by the South African Police Service.
The tender was later revoked by National Commissioner Fannie Masemola following allegations of fraud and irregularities.
His name has since been linked to a broader criminal syndicate reportedly involving politicians, police officers, and prosecutors—allegedly operating under the influence of a transnational drug cartel. Matlala is also tied to a string of high-profile assassinations, including that of DJ Sumbody (Oupa Sefoka), whistleblower Babita Deokaran, and the attempted murder of his ex-girlfriend, actress Tebogo Thobejane, and her friend.
Investigators allege that Matlala orchestrated Deokaran’s murder after she flagged irregularities linked to his companies in the Tembisa Hospital tender files. It is further claimed that the hospital was later set on fire to destroy key evidence of procurement fraud.
In a recent breakthrough, police arrested suspects in the 2022 killings of DJ Sumbody and his bodyguard, including prominent businessman Katiso Molefe, a figure reportedly tied to several other underworld assassinations.
The firearm used in DJ Sumbody’s murder was also linked to the killing of Armand Swart—an alleged case of mistaken identity involving a whistleblower who had exposed a 4,500% procurement fraud at Transnet.
Security strategist and former Interpol Ambassador Mahlomola Mashaile explained how these criminal networks operate: “They use either money or fear to control access to tenders. Often, they’ll approach an unsuspecting insider for information and then offer a large payout to ensure continued cooperation.”
Mashaile warned that individuals who resist the syndicates or have no affiliation with their operations often become targets. While investigations continue, it is unlikely that the R50 million already paid to Matlala from the SAPS contract will be recovered.
His case underscores how entrenched corruption has allowed the underworld to turn public procurement into a thriving criminal enterprise.
By: JN Reporter
Amid growing criticism of South Africa’s Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) policy, black business organisations - once seen as vehicles for transformation - are increasingly viewed as mere symbolic actors in a system that is now dominated by entrenched deviating interests that have granted them considerable visibility, but with little bite.
BEE was introduced as a transformative framework to address the economic disparities created by apartheid. However, it is now widely criticised for enriching the politically connected elite, while doing little to uplift the majority of black South Africans.
This scrutiny has intensified following a recent report by trade union Solidarity and the Free Market Foundation (FMF), who both claim that BEE compliance costs the country between R145 billion and R290 billion annually. According to the report, titled The Costs of BEE Compliance, these costs burden businesses without delivering meaningful economic inclusion.
In the wake of these revelations, prominent organisations such as the National African Federated Chamber of Commerce and Industry (NAFCOC), Business Unity South Africa (BUSA), as well as the Black Business Council (BBC) are now under fire.
Once champions of black entrepreneurship, they are now being labelled as toothless. They are deemed strong in rhetoric, but lack real influence or impactful results.
Speaking to Journal News this week, independent economist and Truckers Association of South Africa Deputy President, Tony Modise, said these organisations risk irrelevance if they fail to re-establish grassroots connections and move beyond political posturing.
“If these organisations are to remain relevant, they must re-establish grassroots connections and prioritise tangible support over rhetoric,” Modise said. He urges these bodies to offer tangible support by reinforcing conductivity in access to capital, mentorship, and market opportunities, instead of just issuing press statements.
“Organisations such as NAFCOC, Business Unity South Africa, and the Black Business Council have an important role to play in shaping an inclusive economy. While some of these organisations have provided meaningful platforms for policy engagement and enterprise development, others appear to have become bureaucratic or politically co-opted. The trucking industry, particularly among small and emerging black owned operators, often feels underrepresented in these forums,” said Modise.
As the country grapples with slow economic growth and high unemployment, the role of black business organisations is again under the spotlight. Without a shift towards meaningful engagement and accountability, their presence may continue to be symbolic—loud, but without bite.
While taking stock of these catastrophic failures, Modise did also defend the BEE policy with a degree of impartiality. He argues that dismissing it as a complete failure overlooks some of its genuine achievements.
“There is no denying that corruption and fronting have undermined the legitimacy and impact of the BEE policy. In some cases, empowerment has been limited to a politically connected elite, while the majority of black owned small businesses, especially in sectors like ours, continue to struggle.”
He adds: “Labeling BEE as a complete failure, however, overlooks some of its genuine gains. The challenge is not the policy itself, but the lack of robust monitoring, enforcement, and consequences for abuse. Where the system is manipulated, transformation stalls. Accountability must be central to BEE if it is to succeed.”
Journal News’ requests for comment from a BBC spokesperson Masedi Sesele went unanswered, while BUSA’s Tambu Mutizwa stated that she is currently “off sick and would assist” upon her return to work.
Meanwhile, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) has come out in defence of the BEE policy. The trade federation argues that the report lacked a breakdown supported by concrete research to show any financial burden on the state or evidence that B-BBEE has hindered economic growth and job creation.
COSATU’s Parliamentary spokesperson, Matthew Parks, said the report oddly cited statistics on overall and potential growth, but failed to establish a link between these figures and B-BBEE.
“It might as well have blamed constitutional democracy for South Africa’s economic challenges,” he remarked.
Parks further criticised the report for ignoring the persistent racial inequalities in the country, pointing to numerous employment equity studies that show that most senior positions in the private sector are still held by white males, and that economic ownership, including shares within the JSE, remain largely in white hands.
According to the report, the cost of BEE compliance is between R145 billion and R290 billion per year. It claimed that this has resulted in an annual reduction of 1.5% to 3% in economic growth and to an annual loss of between 96 000 and 192 000 jobs.
“Our findings show that BEE, as currently designed, is enriching a small elite while throttling economic dynamism and deepening unemployment,” said Dr Morné Malan, FMF senior associate and co-author of the report, while speaking at the joint press conference.
The study compares South Africa’s model with global affirmative action policies in Malaysia, India, Brazil, United States and Namibia, which supposedly shows that South Africa’s version is the most intrusive and economically damaging.
At the media briefing, the organisations claimed that B-BBEE benefits individuals largely captured by politically-connected elites as South Africa now ranks 139th in GDP per capita, down from 87th in 1994.
By Refilwe Mochoari
In the shadow of South Africa’s justice system, a narrative has unfolded leaving many to question the true intentions of the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA).
For some, the NPA’s string of failed high-profile cases which seemingly target particular individuals but ultimately get bungled by the institution itself tell a tale of politicized persecution. Black politicians are openly targeted and become subjects of litigatory abuse, humiliation and also lose their jobs - only to be acquitted later or have their cases thrown out due to a questionable lack of evidence.
Political analyst Professor Sipho Seepo, in an interview with Journal News, said these alleged orchestrated campaigns by the NPA often results in humiliation and damaged reputations.
‘A WITCH HUNT’
Some of the affected politicians amongst many others who find themselves under fire with the NPA include former Minister of Sports Arts and Culture, Zizi Kodwa, whose case was thrown out by Advocate Andrew Chauke, a director of prosecuting authority in Johannesburg.
Kodwa was accused of receiving direct payments and luxury accommodation worth R1.7 million during his time as the ANC spokesperson between 2015 and 2016.
Kodwa’s lawyer Zola Majavu called this action against Kodwa a ‘Witch Hunt’ saying that the State has a ‘palpably weak’ case.
Former Deputy Chairperson of ANC in KwaZulu-Natal Natal Mike Mabuyakhulu’s case was acquitted after a long trial where he was accused of money laundering, theft, and corruption in connection with a R28 million payment to suppliers for a music festival that did not take place.
According to Mabuyakhulu, the State failed to provide sufficient evidence against him and the other accused, he too believes that there is a ‘witch hunt’ against him.
Another politician who has been in the dock is former speaker of parliament, Nosiviwe Maphisa-Ngcakula. She has been on trial for over a year now.
Maphisa-Ngcakula is charged with corruption and money laundering. She is accused of receiving R2.5 million in bribes during her tenure as the Defence Minister from a defence contractor.
Her home was raided amid these corruption charges and the case has been in court for more than a year now.
Leader of the Economic Freedom Fighters Julius Malema also finds himself in a similar position, and has this week written a letter to President Cyril Ramaphosa to establish a Commission of Inquiry into the NPA in terms of Section 84 (2)f of the Constitution which grants the president the power to appoint commissions of inquiry.
Malema is also in the NPA’s shadow as he was prosecuted for assault and unlawful possession of a firearm in the Eastern Cape in 2019.
AGENDA TO HUMILIATE BLACK PROFESSIONALS
Seepo says this tells a tale that the NPA might have a hidden agenda.
He asserts that the NPA needs to properly investigate their cases,
“Careers are destroyed and reputations are tarnished.
“After reading a significant part of the State Capture Commission Part IV, I have concluded that Chief Justice Raymond Zondo has set up the NPA to fail.
“The NPA is doing South Africans a big disservice.
“You cannot make such allegations, humiliate them in public, raid their homes, put them in the media for the world to see, bring them to court, make them lose their jobs and their integrity, investigate them for more than five years only for the case to be thrown out because of lack of evidence.
“What we see here, is a hate crime”, said Seepo.
THE FACE OF FAILURE
NPA head Advocate Shamila Batohi has been in the spotlight and under fire since she took office in 2018.
She disagrees with the sentiment that the NPA is bungling cases.
When Batohi took office, she pledged to restore integrity and effectiveness to the institution. The public perception of the NPA “pains” her, ahe claims.
Speaking to Journal News, NPA spokesperson in the Free State Mojalefa Senokotsoane said the NPA operates in line with the Constitution, the Criminal Procedure Act, and most importantly the National Prosecuting Act which mandates the institution to institute and conduct criminal prosecutions on behalf of the State.
“It is important to clarify that the NPA is not an investigative body and does not conduct investigations, rather it guides investigations that are carried out by designated law enforcement agencies such as the South African Police Services, Hawks, and other relevant authorities, he said.
Senokotsoane added that the primary responsibility is to assess and to prosecute cases based on the evidence contained in an official police docket and that a prosecution will proceed only when the available evidence establishes a prima facie case and the state is confident that the matter can be proven beyond reasonable doubt in a court of law.
With most local fuel refineries having shut down and airports being hamstrung by dated legislation to get alternative sources, South Africa could run out of jet fuel by October.
This is according to Avhapfani Tshifularo, CEO of the South African Petroleum Association, who says the country’s aviation sector is on the brink of another fuel crisis.
This could see major airports like OR Tambo International and others at risk of severe disruptions as it heads into the busy tourism season.
In December 2024, OR Tambo, the country’s busiest airport, experienced a fuel valve failure that caused widespread flight delays and cancellations.
Just a month later, a fire at the NATREF refinery—one of the last operational refineries in the country—led to a jet fuel shortage that left the industry scrambling to secure reserves.
Airports Company South Africa Group Executive for Operations, Terence Delamoney, told the SABC at the time that these recurring shortages are part of a broader problem in the country.
He explained that while airports once had access to five refineries for fuel, only two remain functional: NATREF in Sasolburg and Astron in Cape Town.
As a result, airports are now heavily reliant on imported fuel. This is a major shift in the sector that Tshifularo argues the country’s fuel import regulatory environment is not equipped to handle.
At a fuels industry forum in Johannesburg on 25 July, Tshifularo said the situation could worsen dramatically in the coming months.
NATREF is scheduled for planned maintenance between August and September, meaning its temporary shutdown will reduce the available domestic fuel supply.
“If regulatory issues aren’t resolved by October, we will be in serious trouble,” Tshifularo warned, highlighting longstanding flaws in the 1964 Customs and Excise Act as a significant obstacle.
The Act was designed in an era when fuel refineries were central to product distribution, and it has not been updated to reflect the industry’s current state.
“We’ve been lobbying the government, particularly National Treasury and SARS, for years. The Act was written with a model focused on the movement of product between refineries and depots, but the industry has changed,” he said.
Under the current legislation, fuel exports can only be conducted from a refinery or manufacturing facility, not from depots.
This presents a significant challenge now that South Africa’s major crude refineries have ceased operations.
Jet fuel imports face similar challenges. The law prohibits the importation of jet fuel into an import terminal unless it passes through a refinery.
With no operational refineries in key regions such as Durban, this legal requirement is becoming a significant problem.
“This was manageable when SAPREF and Natref refineries were operating in Durban, but now there’s a serious complication,” Tshifularo explained.
During the dangerously low jet fuel levels at OR Tambo at the beginning of the year, the industry had to reroute supplies through Matola in Mozambique to avoid a crisis.
However, this was delayed by three weeks while SARS processed a special interim licence.
Although this measure helped avert a disaster, the licence was revoked once the situation stabilised, and SARS has indicated it will not issue similar emergency permissions again.
Tshifularo said that even if stockpiles are built before NATREF’s upcoming shutdown, the numbers don’t add up.
NATREF typically supplies 25 million litres of jet fuel to OR Tambo via pipeline, with another 10 million litres delivered using coastal pipelines. “That creates another risk,” he said.
While the Treasury has acknowledged the issue and pledged to amend the Customs and Excise Act, Tshifularo cautioned that legislative changes will take too long to address the current crisis.
“We’re not going to get this done in 18 months. In the meantime, we face urgent problems around product movement within South Africa and to neighbouring countries,” he said.
He called for interim regulatory measures and fast-tracked administrative interventions to allow jet fuel imports through terminals and exports from depots.
Without these interventions, Tshifularo warned that the country could see a repeat of fuel emergencies across the whole of South Africa
*This article was first published by BusinessTech
Jubilation erupted outside the court as news of Meek’s bail denial spread.
Murder accused Tiffany Nicole Meek has been denied bail.
The Roodepoort Magistrates Court delivered judgement on Tuesday morning. Meek is accused of murdering her 11-year-old son Jayden-Lee Meek in May this year.
The State insists it has a strong case against Meek, and it opposed her release on bail.
But Meek’s lawyers criticised the state's evidence, describing it as flawed and inconsistent.
Some community members from surrounding areas in the west of Johannesburg are happy about the court’s decision to deny a mother, accused of murdering her child, bail.
Magistrate Anneline Africa ruled that Meek is not a suitable candidate for bail.
Jubilation erupted outside the court as news of Meek’s bail denial spread.
The community members gathered outside on Monday when they said they had great confidence in the State’s case against Meek
During the bail judgment, Africa provided 20 points on how Meek had deceived the court
This is how the judgement was met by residents
“We are very happy she must remain behind bars, we are very, very happy.”
They also expressed that they would follow the case until its end.
*This article was first published by Eye Witness News
